In "Rethinking Education and Poverty," William G. Tierney brings together scholars from around the world to examine the complex relationship between poverty. providers, and other educational practitioners conceptualize poverty, and how do those ways of thinking affect their work and the relationships they have with. Rethinking the Relationship Between Poverty and Terrorism . [iii] Alan B. Krueger and Jitka Maleckova, “Education, Poverty, Political Violence, and Terrorism.
If schools reproduce inequality, then they pass on the inequalities received at kin- dergarten largely unchanged as children pass through the education system. Both sides describe a critical per- schools either reproduce or exacerbate the spective on schools and inequality, but the two inequalities that students bring with them for use- are distinct.
And while reproductive and exacer- ful overviews, see MacLeod ; Mehan Numerous sociological studies EEO study influenced a separate line of scholar- of education draw on this paradigm to investigate ship that placed less importance on schools them- how schools reproduce inequalities e. Often referred to as the Cole- do not simply reproduce inequality but rather man Report, the study was commissioned by the exacerbate it.
This position has gained stature for Department of Education and involved more good reason, as scholars have documented thanstudents and 4, schools. One a wide range of school practices and mechanisms finding that had the greatest influence on future that favor high socioeconomic status SES chil- work was summarized as follows Coleman et al.
That larger classrooms for disadvantaged children schools bring little influence to bear on Darling-Hammond ; Mosteller In addi- become the inequalities with which they tion, residential segregation results in concentra- confront adult life at the end of school.
Finally, curricu- agreed with the broad conclusion about schools: By predicting learn- ment gaps.
These strategies duced evidence suggesting non-school environ- are only partly effective, however, because why ments are the primary force behind achievement some children learn faster than others is largely gaps. In subsequent decades, however, the sociol- unknown.
Enthusiasm for understanding surveys. Some studies address the first problem tives had embraced the view that schools are the i. We are perspectives on schools and inequality without left wondering whether the magnitude of all exac- thinking carefully about the kind of evidence erbatory school processes outweighs that of com- that is most useful. We identify three hurdles. First, children are influenced in important ways The third hurdle is crucial—even if we suc- by both their families and their schools, so how cessfully isolate school effects and determine do we separate the two?
The average year-old whether exacerbatory school processes outweigh in the United States has spent just 13 percent of compensatory ones, we still need to know whether their waking hours in school Walbergschool inequality outweighs non-school inequal- highlighting the importance of non-school envi- ity.
Scholars traditionally have framed the ques- ronments. A common strategy scholars use to iso- tem. Instead, we recommend that scholars broaden late school effects is to statistically equalize chil- their scope by considering the counterfactual: Another approach is This is important because schools may vary to predict how much children change e. If this In addition, comparing whether group A, starting is the case, even unequal schools could be equaliz- low on a scale, gains more than group B, starting ing forces by reducing the level of inequality we high, requires interval-level scales where gains at would observe in their absence.
The traditional the bottom are comparable to those at the top— counterfactual, however, does not account for like equal stair steps. Some of the better scales that possibility.
The sea- assumptions Ho and Reardon Finally, are sonal nature of the U. If parents knew their children understanding how schools matter Gangl The field where patients are observed on and off treatment, would benefit from a more energetic discussion of seasonal comparison researchers observe how these assumptions. Nevertheless, we believe they achievement gaps change when children are on are more plausible than the assumptions required treatment in school versus out summer.
Rethinking the Relationship Between Poverty and Terrorism | Small Wars Journal
The trolling for observable differences in family back- overall consequence of all mechanisms both ground can successfully isolate school effects, 2 exacerbatory and compensatory is observable in we know how all exacerbatory and compensatory how inequality changes when school is in session mechanisms stack up against each other, and 3 versus out of session.
And seasonal comparisons school inequality is greater than non-school provide a way of estimating what inequality would inequality. As a result, seasonal comparison stud- look like if children did not attend schools by ies prompt great interest. Finally, unlike randomized experi- studies? Remarkably, they find that socioeco- ments, which can be weak in generalizability, sea- nomic gaps in cognitive skills grow faster when sonal comparisons can be applied to nationally school is out than when it is in.
Evidence of this representative data, producing results strong in pattern began to emerge as early as the s. For example, the to school year and summer uncovered method assumes there is little treatment spillover. In practice, this for other early seasonal comparison studies, see assumption is nearly always violated because stu- Hayes and Grether ; Klibanoff and Haggart dents are not tested precisely on the first and last ; Murnane Observing how achieve- days of school. Scholars try to reduce the extent ment gaps change between the seasons thus pro- of this problem by modeling the school segments vides important leverage for understanding how of learning and subtracting them from estimates schools matter.
Subsequently, Entwisle and Alex- of summer learning. Although there is little evidence of this Alexander, Entwisle, and Olson ; Entwisle kind of contamination among young children and Alexander The credibility of Downey et al.
The magnitude of the patterns differs Socioeconomic gaps in entry Downey et al. Overall, found that children gained body mass index early seasonal studies suggested that schools are BMI roughly twice as fast in the summer than probably compensatory with respect to race, but during the school year. Although it is white children may benefit more from school than tempting to infer that schools promote childhood do black or Asian children.
More recent analyses of lenge the critical view of schools. Are schools the newer ECLS-K data replicate these pat- driving some inequalities while simultaneously terns von Hippel and Workman n. Once seasonal comparison stud- Workman, and von Hippel analyzed the ies expand to consider outcomes beyond cognitive ECLS-K data for seasonal patterns of social skills e. Light summer than in the school season in Atlanta, sug- refracts in different ways, depending on whether gesting that schools are also compensatory with it enters a slower, faster, or similar speed medium.
Although the no change to inequality2 exacerbatory makes public views the system as rewarding people inequality worseor 3 compensatory reduces fairly, they also put the onus of responsibility on inequality.
One advantage of this perspective is individuals to find the best schools and work that it elevates the compensatory possibility to hard while in them. It also underscores how provides the strongest evidence that schools are inequality is well established and on a meaningful compensatory with regard to socioeconomic gaps trajectory prior to school entry, elevating the in cognitive skills.
Of course, it may not be clear importance of early childhood experiences Caudi- why seasonal comparison evidence is viewed as llo and Torche ; Heckman and Masterov supporting the compensatory position, given that We believe schools potentially can influ- high and low SES children typically learn at ence inequality in all three of these ways, but we roughly the same rate when school is in session.
In some cases, high SES children even learn a little faster than low SES children, yet scholars still conclude that schools are compensatory e. If schools are not reducing Schools as Compensatory achievement gaps in the absolute sense, and some- In the nineteenth-century United States, education times even allowing them to continue to grow reformers argued that mass education would pro- a bit, how can schools be compensatory?
Suppose we assess fore an avenue for social mobility Giroux And suppose that upon completion, the counterparts, whose education system remained treatment group has not lost any weight. On its closely linked to social class. Horace Mann surface, this result suggests that the treatmentthe well-known advocate for public failed.
But the proper way to assess the causal schooling, wrote, effect of the treatment is in comparison to results for the control group. If the control group gained According to the European theory, men are five pounds, on average, then the weight loss pro- divided into classes—some to toil and earn, gram had a positive effect even if the treatment others to seize and enjoy.
According to the subjects lost no weight. One can even imagine Massachusetts theory, all are to have an a scenario where the control group gained, on equal chance for earning, and equal security average, five pounds during the study while the in the enjoyment of what they earn.
Even though the Education then, beyond all other devices treatment group experienced weight gain, we of human origin, is a great equalizer of would still define the treatment as a success the conditions of men. In the ment gaps is not to focus solely on school year pat- General Social Survey GSSthe last year the terns but to compare the school year treatment question was asked, over 70 percent of respond- and summer control patterns.
Schools are com- ents answered yes to the question: At the same time, however, most peo- Given that many of the patterns from seasonal ple acknowledge large disparities in school quality comparison research suggest that schools are com- and try very hard to get their own children into pensatory with respect to socioeconomic gaps in Downloaded from soe.
Most school funding comes school mechanisms that might reduce inequality. Rather, we merely initiate cial needs versus honors students at the state level a discussion of school processes that are poten- is informative. As one example, in in Ken- tially compensatory when it comes to socioeco- tucky, the average child with special needs nomic learning disparities. The kinds of people tracking, and retention practices. For example, schools can organize children in tarian views. And a national survey of of widely varying skills are exposed to the same teachers found that when asked who was most curricular challenges.
We see substantial overlap in cogni- Teachers may favor the advantaged under some tive skills across grades: What do schools tend to do with these high-performing kindergartners? Some of these children are POTENTIAL so far ahead of their age-based peers that they We believe that the best evidence currently indi- would need to skip multiple grades to find curricu- cates that schools play a meaningful compensatory lum in their sweet spot.
If schools are playing a more sig- academic gains while exposed to material mostly nificant compensatory role than is currently appre- below their level. Second, schools may reduce achievement gaps by targeting resources toward disadvantaged chil- dren.
It is important not to overlook the many edu- cation policies designed to improve school condi- The Cost to Research tions for disadvantaged children. For example, it turns out that degrees have succeeded in doing so; see Ludwig socioeconomic-based achievement gaps are Downloaded from soe. If socioeconomic-based ad infinitum, as social conditions outside of achievement gaps form primarily prior to kinder- schools become more disparate? One might expect garten and then increase only modestly and some- a limit to this relationship—that when social con- times even narrow once children are in school, ditions become highly unequal, children arrive at then most of the action regarding achievement kindergarten with achievement gaps so large and gaps occurs in early childhood.
Have we reached that point? It is especially useful, therefore, have received insufficient attention. A study of U. Merry documents how Canadians are ahead of U.
The Cost to Policy children by a sizeable. As a result, education scholars place at that age. If socioeconomic scores and consider forces outside the control of gaps are mostly formed prior to formal schooling the education system e. But what are have prompted great interest in their teachers the implications for achievement gaps?
Most and schools, are mostly a product of its successful scholars assume that low SES children endure social welfare programs.Children, Education, and Urban Poverty
If we measure teacher colleagues found no relationship between their quality in terms of qualifications, experience, or measure of school quality i. Most scholars now agree that than public ones Lubienski and Lubienski The traditional story is that low SES children substantially poorer learning environments.
Some attend dramatically poorer schools and, as a result, data support the notion that high SES children are far behind their high SES peers.
It is probably enjoy more effective teachers. For example, more accurate to say that low SES children arrive a report from the Tennessee Department of Educa- at kindergarten far behind but then mostly stop tion, which uses a value-added approach for eval- losing ground once in school.
A similar nisms that might promote better schools Downey analysis in Louisiana found comparable patterns, et al. In support of this position, they point to a number of studies indicating a direct and substantial link. However, these studies are undermined by important weaknesses. One popular and intriguing argument employed by supporters of the poverty-terrorism hypothesis has focused on biases introduced by the recruitment regimes employed by terrorist organizations.
However, if this argument is correct we should expect a positive correlation between poverty and support for terrorism; even if impoverished individuals are less likely to be accepted by a terrorist organization, they should still be more likely to support it. On the contrary, one study examining this question found that Palestinian support for armed attacks against Israeli targets actually fell among the unemployed. Pinar Derin-Gure has challenged the findings of Krueger and others by drawing a distinction between separatist terrorism and other types of domestic terrorism under the hypothesis that impoverished separatist regions may be especially prone to terrorism.
William G. Tierney edits new book, “Rethinking Education and Poverty”
To establish that economic factors are causal, they need to be isolated from these other plausible grievances. Poverty as a Contributory Factor? Ultimately, the many studies assessing terrorism and poverty demonstrate that socioeconomic deprivation does not have a direct, causal relationship with terrorism.
However, this does not mean that poverty is irrelevant. Indeed, by contributing to radicalization and expanding opportunities for political violence, poverty still bears on terrorism in three important, if indirect, ways. First, even if absolute levels of poverty are unimportant, socioeconomic deprivation relative to the expectations of a group or individual can be a significant grievance.
Beyond its theoretical appeal, the principle of relative deprivation has empirical support. For example, Piazza has studied the relationship between economic discrimination against minority groups and terrorism. As Matthew Venhaus argues, unrealized expectations of success often drive radicalization by compelling young men with limited opportunities to seek status through participation in terrorism.
The fact that many Somali youth are unemployed and rely on relatives for sustenance…dampens their self-worth such that when an opportunity to fend for oneself arises, they are quick to take advantage.
Smelser points out that radicalization alone is insufficient for the incidence of terrorism. But there is a significant disparity between the capacity of poor and wealthy countries to respond to terrorism. While the governments of rich countries will have sufficient financial resources to train, pay, and equip a strong police and army, poor countries will generally be beset by ill-equipped and poorly trained security forces.
Worse still, the security forces in poorer countries are more likely to be corrupt and often attempt to mask any shortcomings in training or equipment with exceptional levels of brutality, meaning that their response may not be merely ineffective, but outright counterproductive.
Finally, economic discrimination against minority populations can also exert an important influence on the opportunity structure.